For Heather Heyer

This is what the mother of Heather Heyer said

About her daughter.

She said: somehow I almost feel that this is what she was born to be,

a focal point for change.

Nobody is born to hate

So Heather took a stand against hatred.

Nobody is born to see their fellow human beings

As other just because

Of the colour of their skin.

So Heather was in that street

With people as diverse

As the flowers in the field

To take a stand against racism,

Against fascism.

We will remember Heather Heyer

The best way we can, by taking our own stand

Against hatred,

By taking our own stand against racism,

Against fascism,

Because we are as diverse

As the flowers in the field.

We will remember what the mother

Of Heather Heyer said

About her daughter

Because this is what we were born to be,

Focal points of change.

Vince Cable. Hypocrite, moi?

Vince Cable says Corbyn must ‘end his infatuation with the government of Venezuela.’
Since 2010 Britain has also sold arms to 39 of the 51 countries ranked “not free” on the Freedom House “Freedom in the world” report, and 22 of the 30 countries on the UK Government’s own human rights watch list.
Vince Cable was a minister for four of those years.

Letters from an encouraged Corbynite #10:

Sometimes, in one frothing paragraph, the chatterati of the better-off suburbs of London Town demonstrate their gob-smacking ignorance of the politics of the people across the UK.
Today, in the Observer, the home stable of getting the last General Election absolutely wrong, Nick Cohen fulminates: “Last week, the British Election Study concluded voters fled to Labour because they thought Jeremy Corbyn was offering a soft Brexit. A day of judgement will come when gullible Labour supporters realise the far left is more concerned with defending the power of tyrants in Venezuela than the jobs of British workers in the single market.”
This is a net of inchoate Guardianista prejudices held together by a frustration that Labour failed to succumb to the electoral annihilation every sub-Macronian curmudgeon wanted. If Cohen were to examine some of the polling evidence, he would have discovered the balancing evidence that a tiny sliver of Labour voters actually thought Brexit the most important issue. It was austerity. He might have examined the polling evidence from a slew of council by-elections this week that showed Labour on the march in Kent and West-Sussex, extending their influence in Tory and UKIP areas.
I think I am on pretty safe ground in saying that I knocked on rather more doors than Cohen during the election campaign. I was out every day for three weeks in three different constituencies, my own Liverpool Walton, the safest Labour seat in the UK with 85.7% of the vote, Wirral West which we transformed from a marginal to a 5,000 Labour win and Crewe, which we won by a whisker. How often did Brexit come up unsolicited? Four times. That’s right. Four. That doesn’t mean it doesn’t matter. It does. But for most working people, Brexit was the prism that refracted poverty, poor pay, exclusion and frustration at seven years of ideologically-fired Tory austerity. You can see that in the poor performance of the very pro-remain Lib Dems and SNP.
I was once in a ‘far left’ organisation, leaving in 1996, so I am the kind of guy who would know lots of the people Cohen attacks here. (Good to see Nick prioritises attacking the Left during a summer when the Tories are in meltdown, by the way).
Are my Labour friends and non-Labour socialist friends transfixed by all things Venezuela? Actually, the commonest attitudes are firstly, that it is a distraction tactic by the Tories, trying to divert attention from their infighting and their press-ignored U-turn on energy pricing, and secondly, that the situation in Venezuela is sobering, but highly complex and much more to do with the historic fault-lines of politics in the United States’ backyard of Latin America than Labour CLPs jumping on the ship to form a new International Brigade. Venezuela needs patient, nuanced analysis, not sloganeering.
Finally, of course, Cohen lets the cat out of the ideological bag, squealing that Labour doesn’t care about the jobs of British workers when jobs are actually the prime focus of the party in its flexible approach to Brexit. Cohen is not trying to shift Labour policy. It is not his concern. He doesn’t have a practical, principled and flexible approach to the concerns of the working class because he doesn’t live among it or campaign on behalf of its interests. That is the job of people like you and me. I spent my Friday night with Labour friends discussing how to prepare our organisation for an election victory and collecting supplies for our local food bank. I will be on the ISS picket line in Liverpool next week. What will you be doing, Nick? Maybe you will be insulting ordinary Labour voters, all intelligent and discerning people, as ‘gullible’ in you column.

Winds of October

Winds of October is my next novel. It will be published in October, of course, by Circaidy Gregory. Winds of October is the first volume of a trilogy following the lives of a group of Petrograders during the critical years 1917-1921, from the February revolution to the Kronstadt rebellion. On this page, I will be keeping potential readers up to date with developments.

Letters from an encouraged Corbynite #10

Letters from an encouraged Corbynite #10:
There has been a series of learned articles this week from the heated keyboards of the chatterati that got the General Election so wrong, so flamboyantly. This time, the gilded children of our independent schools have decided that Jeremy Corbyn, allegedly such a dullard at the dispatch box just a few months ago, is now a veritable Apollo of the Commons. I don’t buy it at all.
Corbyn has been a remarkably reliable figure over the decades, very consistent and principled if not the greatest orator, but since when did golden tongues reliable politicians make? So why the perceived difference. Well, it has to be circumstances, doesn’t it?
It is considered akin to farting in church to mention it now, but the welcome the Parliamentary Labour Party gave Jeremy Corbyn two years ago was short on fluttering cherry blossom and braying klaxons. His sandals didn’t exactly dance on palm fronds. Many tried to unseat him from the start. They sat behind him, stony-faced, arms folded across indignant chests. They knew- not thought, knew- that he could not perform and repelled the public.
Only he didn’t.
With the help of a small group of supportive MPs and, more importantly, the backing of the mass membership, Corbyn endured votes of no confidence, mischievous media briefings, appallingly skewed and abusive articles and another leadership challenge- and he won through with a little help from his friends. Even so, becoming electorally credible, we were told, was the impossible dream.
Of course, we Matt Monro fans shrugged and carried on regardless. We had argued for two years that a principled leader, a more engaged mass membership, an impatience with austerity, a resentment at failed elites and an arrogant Tory Party that thought more of the same after seven grinding years might just be favourable conditions for a Labour recovery at the polls. Now, nobody likes a smug know-all who says we told you so but, cough, we did, and it wasn’t really that surprising when you zip back through the narrative of events. It was entirely predictable, but refusal to engage with the new political reality, to draw up a defensive strategy that would have abandoned seats like Wirral West may arguably have cost us office. We went from a 30.4% vote share to 40%. Had the entire Labour Party been on a war footing, looking to capture Tory marginals instead of stacking up majorities in seats we were never going to lose, we might even have registered a stunning victory.
So back to Jeremy Corbyn. The conditions make the fortunes of men and women and the conditions have made Labour electable. The fact of Labour’s electability have made Corbyn more authoritative and part of his audience more attentive.
The man hasn’t changed, though I will say a man not used to oratory was positively Paul Foot-like at Glastonbury. The political landscape has. So here endeth the lesson. With a little more unity, a little less self-indulgence and grandstanding before the right wing media, a little more support for the leadership and a lot more energy and campaigning, who knows what is possible.

Letters from an encouraged Corbynite #9



Now they’re all at it. Tory ‘I’m human, really’ flavour of the month Heidi Allen pops her head above the parapet to say that she is ashamed of the Tory’s grubby deal and suddenly every Blue Meanie and her or his dog is saying the public sector pay cap must be relaxed. First there is Philip Hammond, fresh from his post-election reprieve. Then it is Michael Gove, still shaking the soil from his shroud after rising from the political dead. Now, it is tousle-haired bluster boy Boris Johnson, undergoing his latest Damascene conversion. Most comically, we have self-appointed Conscience of the Nation, Sarah Wollaston saying we need a cross-party national conversation about health. In classic Goldilock terms she says we can’t be too fiscally tight, can’t be too fiscally loose and wants Labour to tie itself ideologically to a form of Tory-lite neo-Blairism. Labour’s front bench will quietly decline her soft-spoken, but dishonest entrapment strategy.

Why are we here? Quite simply, it is not because the Daughters and Sons of Austerity have suddenly discovered their consciences at the bottom of the sock drawer. It is because Labour made itself electable again on June 8th and because a buoyant leadership team exposed Tory contempt for ordinary people by pressing the vote on public sector pay. Shocked by the election result and wrong-footed by Labour’s parliamentary tactics, a section of the Tory party is now scrambling to position itself on Labour’s turf. The problem, of course, is that Labour is better at promoting the interests of public sector workers than the Tories and is far more likely to be the beneficiary of the current mood.

It is in this context surely, that we should see the ‘rebellion’ by 49 Labour MPs. When the public sector pay and Creasey amendments had thoroughly exposed the Tories, insisting on ‘membership of the single market and customs union’ instead of ‘fighting for the benefits of the single market and customs union’ gave the Tories’ succour. Such a fine line led Labour’s deputy leader Tom Watson, hardly central to the Corbyn project thus far, to criticise the rebels as inept.

Little wonder. There was little principle on show here. Some, who really should know better, thought this might defend migrant workers’ interests. Well hardly. Chuka Umunna is on the record saying he would give up freedom of movement to keep membership of the single market and would support regional immigration controls, measures that would surely result in grotesque chaos.

Labour and Tory have their respective problems with Brexit and the negotiations will test both parties, but it is the party in power most subject to pressure. Labour’s left leadership has every right, given the high stakes and the weakness of the Tories’ arrangement with the Democratic Unionists, to expect a degree of political nous from the Parliamentary Labour Party. Sadly, some sections of the party still seem obsessed with parliamentary moves calculated to undermine Corbyn and resistance to the democratisation of its procedures at its annual conference. Labour’s membership must be as active as possible both in CLPs, pursuing left policies and on the stump and in communities, unions and workplaces. We should not wait until the next election to engage with the public. The battle lines are already drawn.

Letters from an encouraged Corbynista #8:



A few months ago, my various articles argued that Brexit would turn out to be the Tory vale of tears. For a while, it looked as if Labour were struggling over the issue of Europe, but it was the dog that didn’t bark at the General Election and it has come back to haunt May and her ersatz Orange band. It is likely that it will torture May’s zombie party as it stumbles along, dead but not quite buried.

Tonight’s vote in the Commons confirms that austerity is the other great issue that will help undo the Tories. The sight of the Tories, supported by the DUP just days after its MPs pocketed Mrs May’s billion pound bung, baying and cheering because they had just blocked a pay rise for public sector workers was nauseating, but it will reverberate long in the public consciousness.

Remember the exhausted firefighters, heroes of the Grenfell fire, being cheered as they left. People won’t forget that the Tories refused them a pay rise and howled with glee as they did it.

Remember the medical staff who rushed into work to do long shifts when the bomb went off at the MEN in Manchester. People will remember that the Tories and the DUP think they are only worth a below average pay rise. Remember the copper who died and the one who was stabbed trying to save the public in terrorist incidents. People will be appalled that the Tories think it is fun to block a pay increase.

Once more, the Tories have proved to be morally vacuous. Simultaneously, Jeremy Corbyn assumes the mantle of social justice. He looks more like a Prime Minister in waiting with each passing day.

Alan Gibbons to give John Hamilton lecture

My John Hamilton lecture on the future of libraries is on Wednesday, 5th July at 5.30 at the University of Liverpool. If you think libraries are important, please attend.


“To book a place email with your name, email address, staff or student number and username (if a member of the University of Liverpool) and a contact telephone number as well as the name of this session.”


Forthcoming novel: The Winds of October

I have just completed the first draft of my novel The Winds of October, set against the period between the February and October revolutions in Russia in 1917. The plan is to publish to coincide with the anniversary. I think it will be of interest generally, but particularly to people on the Left, exploring the extent to which the revolution was one of the mass of working people and how authoritarian one-party rule came to establish itself. It is planned as a trilogy covering the period 1917 to 1921 and culminating in the Kronstadt rebellion.
My traditional audience is Young Adult. Dealing with themes of violence and sexuality, this will definitely be Y10 upward and hopefully attracting a substantial Adult audience.